Spine Film

weaponising socialisation

figure holding gun

In 2007 Wall Street investment bankers were receiving large bonuses by selling mortgage backed securities. By that time these and their derivative products were linked catastrophically to subprime loans. Nearly everyone will remember what happened next, but imagine that the bankers had been able to summon the talent to arrive at viable alternative investment products instead of just lining their pockets at the expense of the global economy.

Fast forward to March 2020 when the UK's hereditary head of state, the Queen, broadcast a message to pacify her subjects about COVID-19. Now imagine a world in which Britain's elected president announces that she is successfully formulating a vaccine instead of just telling you to keep calm and carry on.

There is a good chance you cannot imagine either counterfactual scenario, and that is because your habitual expectations of leaders or experts are based on observations. People who can innovate or solve complex problems do not make it into critical executive roles often enough to set a precedent. As a result we are subtly conditioned to tolerate mediocre leaders or highly paid experts whose succession or appointment we know, or at least suspect, emanates from their connections. The flip‐side is that we are socialised into fearing those who merit advancement by virtue of intellect or talent. Cognitive emotive dissonance kicks in to drive our preference for a candidate we can identify with. A person we are more comfortable voting for. Someone we like. It feels right because it is what we are accustomed to. Style frequently reigns over substance as a result.

Under these conditions it is not surprising that a statue of Thomas Jefferson, the architect of American exceptionalism, has been torn down. His reputation has been assailed for decades, ostensibly on the basis of the slaveholding he had been socialised into. But Jefferson opposed that common fact of life in colonial America, not least by rejecting the empire that had enabled it. It is extraordinary that he could resist the force of conditioning to the degree he was able to even if modern critics denigrate his efforts. Insisting that his contribution be ignored on the basis of his record with enslaved people pulls at the most important thread in the fabric of American culture. External and internal enemies know this so they concentrate on his failings in order to obscure his essential ideals. They know those ideals are a firewall against the traditional modes of corruption they practice.

Are we are in danger of succumbing to these tactics, and at risk of losing the benefit of America's revolutionary struggle? If so, a key reason may be the example of political intransigence set by Britain. People born in the United Kingdom continue to be groomed from infancy to accept monarchy and aristocracy. These institutions are examples of handing out leadership roles, significant fortunes, and status, without genuine inquiry into whether anything is deserved. They are the epitome of a failing upwards culture, and given the racial exclusivity implied, represent the antithesis of diversity ‐ something the UK government is adamant it consistently promotes. The masses are socialised into hypocrisy accordingly.

The archaic deception of patrician versus plebeian birth continues to inform almost everything the British people think, express, or do. They confuse their compliance with loyalty, and remain wilfully blind to the contradictions. Their persistent quiescence makes the symbols, institutions, and culture of a collapsed imperial power the envy of the world's sociopathic control junkies and rapacious plutocrats. Americans are held hostage between factions of these creatures as they drool over the zombie-like conformity people can evidently be socialised into. This is not so much Democrat against Republican as it is a vicious struggle between the extreme thought police and inveterate racketeers. At least two generations of Americans have been conditioned to accept this toxic polarisation. Can anything now be done to help the people of both nations?

There are prominent voices that offer some hope for the United States. Donald Trump is demonstrating fortitude by standing up to those who would cancel America's legacy, and unlike the succession of presidents since the 1980s, is delivering on promises that support domestic economic security. The extent to which he is despised by established minority interest groups reflects the good he is doing for the majority. He is also wisely ambivalent about whether the special relationship with Britain is in America's best interest.

Until the British people can be encouraged to establish a republic neither they nor their famously duplicitous establishment can be allies to America. Despite appearances and a shared language the two states are fundamentally ideologically opposed. The very nature of a culture based on hereditary leadership and undeserved privilege militates against the possibility of genuine collaboration. America's oldest enemy has not changed its ways, nor will it without pressure. Ideological opponents are more likely to capitalise on domestic turmoil.

Fortunately American institutions have survived more threatening conditions, including the Civil War. Dissent and protest can in fact serve to strengthen the Republic. That which does not kill it seems to make it stronger. Britain's story on the other hand is one of stagnation, decline and progressive isolation. To help liberate the minds of its people Americans could stop using aristocratic or monarchical titles when dealing with the UK establishment. Denying the oxygen of media attention to those who describe themselves as princes and aristocrats would also help. If there is a coronation, ignore it. If they wed, deride it (qua Cord and Tish).

The monarch would inexorably be a divisive symbol for the majority of the people of Britain unless there was attendant socialisation to embrace inequality. Mass acceptance of the institutionalised and arbitrary stratification that has negligible connection to merit depends on it. In reality the monarch, this ordinary, unexceptional person, can only be a poster child for unwarranted privilege, the perpetuation of sinecures, and nepotism, while serving as a reminder of the violent banditry from which all kingdoms germinate. He or she is as predictably enveloped in luxury as many are trapped in poverty. That is a constant under monarchy that is reflected in every other oligarchy or plutocracy on the face of the earth. Minds that have assimilated the primary fabrications of an unjust system are terminally compromised. There is permanent damage that affects all cognition so that any creativity instinctively bears the indelible stamp of the Crown. Its effect is like that of a forever chemical.

Both monarchies and socialist states create the illusion of perfect leadership by the mechanism of comprehensive indoctrination. The irony for groups like Black Lives Matter is that being woke can mean being hypnotised into totalitarianism. Many aspects of socialism are so theoretically appealing the doctrine functions like a lullaby; one as stupefying as any fable about kings and queens. Look at the reality of socialist countries and you see that utopia only exists for those calling the shots.

Britain's absurdly top-down system is similar to what it was in the 1800s, but its BLM activists are conspiratorial or, as a minimum, diplomatic in their silence about hereditary white aristocracy and racially exclusive assent to the position of head of state. Why would those verging on totalitarianism want to disrupt a pattern of meek obedience and servile deference in a people contentedly enduring relative deprivation? They realise that a transition to authoritarian socialist rule would be comparatively smooth. It would be like flicking a switch.

Americans enjoy the right to scrutinise all aspects of government and leadership. That is an earned privilege many are foaming at the mouth to deny them. The people supporting those attacks on freedom may initially be people you are comfortable with; people you like. But vote for them, hire them, listen to them, or venerate them at your peril.

Copyright © Spine Film 2020

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